{"id":1657,"date":"2020-01-14T14:34:37","date_gmt":"2020-01-14T14:34:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/freerohingyacoalition.org\/en\/?p=1657"},"modified":"2020-01-15T18:33:27","modified_gmt":"2020-01-15T18:33:27","slug":"myanmar-continues-to-make-mistakes-of-the-past","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/freerohingyacoalition.org\/en\/myanmar-continues-to-make-mistakes-of-the-past\/","title":{"rendered":"Myanmar continues to make mistakes of the past"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

By<\/em> Maung Zarni | Asia Times<\/a> | January 14, 2020<\/p>\n\n\n\n

January 4 marked the 72nd anniversary of Myanmar\u2019s independence from Britain. The civil war in which the country \u2013 a patchwork of diverse ethnic regions, with mutually incomprehensible languages, unerasable regional identities and distinct political histories \u2013 was born has come a full circle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is noteworthy that modern Myanmar was not the creation of nationalists. It was born out of the external shock of the Second World War and the dissolution of external colonial powers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Few Myanmar nationalist historians have acknowledged this historical fact, for it fundamentally and effectively undermines the nationalist historiography that typically glorifies and exaggerates the contributions of the ethnic-Burmese (Bama) nationalists \u2013 particularly State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi\u2019s father and the Tatmadaw (military), originally a fascist proxy created by Japan as part of its wartime design against British rule in colonial Burma.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today, being an important site of the geopolitical rivalries among external powers, including China, India, the US and Japan, coupled with multiple domestic ethnic fault lines, Myanmar faces the very real prospect of another external shock, more than at any point in the country\u2019s seven-decade post-independence history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to the Arakan Army, a relatively new but effective armed movement seeking \u201cthe national liberation\u201d of Buddhist Rakhine from the grip of the Myanmar government, there have been nearly 600 military battles fought in the Rakhine region (and adjacent Chin state), with government troops suffering an estimated 6,000 casualties.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Myanmar today is ruled, in effect, by a coalition of Aung San Suu Kyi\u2019s National League for Democracy (NLD) and the military, however uneasy their power-sharing may be.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Disturbingly, both parties are repeating the mistakes of past nationalist and military leaderships \u2013 without addressing the decades-old grievances on the part of minorities that gave rise to the early rebellions in the first place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a twist of history, the larger geopolitical equation that has direct bearings onthe government\u2019s domestic policies with respect to Myanmar\u2019s troubled inter-ethnic relations, including Rohingya, has shifted. China, Japan and India are backing the increasingly anti-human-rights Myanmar leadership, albeit out of their competing commercial and strategic agendas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After a euphoric global honeymoon resulting from what was commonly but falsely celebrated as the \u201cMyanmar Spring,\u201d the United States and the rest of the world now scream foul over Naypyidaw\u2019s criminal policies and conduct in Rakhine, particularly the slow-burning genocide of Rohingya. This has been reflected in the last several UN General Assembly resolutions on Myanmar, where more than 140 member states condemned the Southeast Asian pariah for its \u201cgrave crimes\u201d under international law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Domestically, the Myanmar government continues to treat non-Bama minorities as second- or third-class communities in keeping with its heavy-handed racist record. Myanmar\u2019s nationalist leaders wear on their sleeve their fake respect for ethnic diversity by wearing minority attire on their election-campaign trails.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, Myanmar state and state-allied economic players plunder the ethnic-minority regions of natural resources such as gas, timber, gold, jade and other minerals, take the lion\u2019s share accruing from overland trade routes through minorities\u2019 ancestral regions, grab vast tracts of minorities\u2019 land, and sell large-scale commercial concessions to the highest-bidding foreign investors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Without heeding the need \u2013 and call \u2013 for devolution of power to ethnically defined regional communities, Suu Kyi has hand-picked her sycophants to be the chiefs of local administrations in ethnic-minority regions. Her attempts at forcibly erecting statues of her martyred father Aung San and naming bridges and other landmarks after him in several minority capitals has created further frictions and offended local sensibilities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While she often extolls the (voluntary) \u201cUnion spirit\u201d \u2013 attributed to her father and his minority counterparts of the 1940s \u2013 and exhorts the multi-ethnic nation to forge national harmony, ethnic equality and reconciliation, her autocratic and racist deeds further damage the very spirit she wants the ethnic minorities to reinvigorate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The minorities who had rallied behind her NLD leadership have come to view her as yet another ethnic-Bama nationalist who speaks better English, and whose words are sweeter, than the crude and crass nationalists in generals\u2019 uniforms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this discernibly colonial state of Myanmar where Bama Buddhists are more equal than others that Rohingya have fared poorly over the last 40 years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the only Muslim community with their own geographic pocket sharing linguistic, demographic, cultural and commercial ties with adjacent Bangladeshi states of Chittagong and Tek Naf, the Rohingya have long been the subject of strategic concerns for the Burmese military leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the military\u2019s peaceful attempts in the mid-1960s at remaking Northern Rakhine less Muslim in character and in population failed, the generals decided to resort to purges beginning in 1978, under the false pretext of cracking down on illegal immigration from newly independent Bangladesh. After several major waves of violent purges \u2013 with each exodus averaging a quarter-million Rohingya \u2013 there are far more Rohingya outside their ancestral homeland of Northern Rakhine than there are inside the state today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rohingya are not the only ethnic community with cross-cultural and demographic ties or autonomy or even independence aspirations: All of Myanmar\u2019s minority communities \u2013 Shan, Wa, Kachin, Chin, Karen, Rakhine etc \u2013 have long shared these pre-nation-state features. As a matter of fact, Kachin continue to operate with an armed movement with the title Kachin Independence Organization and Kachin Independence Army while the Buddhist Rakhine armed movement Arakan Army openly talks of \u201cnational liberation\u201d of Rakhine and reclaiming their sovereignty that the Burmese took away in 1785.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The only difference between these ethnic minorities and the Rohingya is that the latter are overwhelmingly Muslims. As oppressed as they are, other cross-border bi-cultural national minorities do not face the same genocidal fate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Myanmar\u2019s unconcealed, popular and institutionalized fear and loathing of Islam explains its official attempts over the last 40 years to erase Rohingya systematically from the country\u2019s official narrative, historical records, popular consciousness and international relations. In that, Myanmar has largely succeeded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Against the backdrop of the Gambia-vs-Myanmar case at the International Court of Justice, Suu Kyi\u2019s minister for international cooperation, Kyaw Tin, who accompanied her to The Hague, was heard telling a Burmese-language program on Voice of America that Myanmar\u2019s refusal to acknowledge Rohingya by their own group identity solely because such recognition would be used by the Rohingya to demand a separate state or seek secession in the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This false but institutionalized logic intentionally disregards official and historical facts about the Rohingya\u2019s presence and identity as an ethnic community: Rohingya were accorded full and equal citizenship like any other ethnic minority, by both the elected government of prime minister U Nu and the Ministry of Defense, well into the 1960s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last week Aung San Suu Kyi\u2019s Foreign Ministry released a 15-page document<\/a> titled \u201cRakhine State: A Snapshot of Myanmar\u2019s Current Efforts at Peace and Reconciliation,\u201d telling the world about all the concrete things it has been undertaking since the exodus of 730,000 Rohingya in 2017. The information package is full of spins of repatriation, rehabilitation, reconciliation, peace, rights, accountability, sexual-violence prevention, curbing hate speech, and development aid. The document is apparently aimed at diluting or shifting the global perception that Suu Kyi\u2019s government is complicit in the military\u2019s purge of more than a million Rohingya in 2016 and 2017.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Suu Kyi\u2019s official update on Rakhine chose neither to reflect nor acknowledge the root causes of both the waves of the flight of the vast majority of Rohingya from Northern Rakhine. Nor does her government see the resurgence of armed rebellion waged by the Arakan Army as something that has been triggered by the long-standing grievances of the Buddhist Rakhine community who feel \u2013 and rightly so \u2013 that they have been re-colonized by the Burmese in the central plains.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his part, her military-partner-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, put the blame on the \u201cselfish\u201d ethnic-minority leaderships for the stalled ceasefire processes \u2013 with about 20 armed resistance groups throughout virtually all the country\u2019s ethnic-minority regions. The military has institutionalized its self-perception as the nation\u2019s guardian, and is blind to its own racist, harmful and murderous policies toward ethnic minorities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Early last week former president and retired General Thein Sein, Suu Kyi\u2019s predecessor as government leader, blamed \u201cneo-colonialists\u201d for the sordid affairs in Rakhine state in particular and the country at large. In his words, as reported in the Myanmar Times<\/a>, \u201cdue to neo-colonialism, our country is close to [being] swallowed by foreigners who are making excuses like democratic issues and human rights.\u2026 It is as if we are standing at the entrance of a precipice unknowingly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSome are trying intentionally to divide our territory, to engulf the religion of the majority of people and to weaken Tatmadaw. All are responsible to protect the country, races and the religion.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With Bama nationalist leaders like these, neither peace nor reconciliation nor democratization is conceivable. Repeating the policy and leadership mistakes of the past 50 years is a guaranteed pathway toward the country\u2019s eventual balkanization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The story of Myanmar today is a textbook example of a multi-ethnic country where the spectacular failures on the part of the successive breeds of the ruling nationalists have created the very real conditions for ethnic balkanization, something the Burmese nationalists say they are most concerned about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
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\n

Maung Zarni is author of Myanmar’s “Enemy of the State” Speaks and co-author of Essays on Myanmar’s Genocide of Rohingyas. He co-founded Forces of Renewal Southeast Asia or www.FORSEA.co, the Free Rohingya Coalition and the Free Burma Coalition.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By Maung Zarni | Asia Times | January 14, 2020 January 4 marked the 72nd anniversary of Myanmar\u2019s independence from Britain. The civil war in which the country \u2013 a patchwork of diverse <\/p>\n

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